How APC’s Tsunami reshaped Nigeria’s geopolitical map in 2025,

THAT the All Progressives Congress  (APC), Nigeria’s ruling party, has assumed the status of an octopus in the nation’s political system is no longer a matter for debate.  The certainty of that fact has removed it from one of the issues that the philosophers can categorise as a philosophical problem. For a party that started by “making noise” as the leaders of the then ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) regarded it in 2012/2013, the APC has now captured the essence of the polity, to the extent that its closest rival, the PDP, which formerly wore the colossal outlook, is now reduced to picking the crumbs in the political space.

From controlling seven states in 2013, the APC had, via alliance with one half of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and the new PDP (nPDP), secured 16 of the nation’s 36 states in 2015.  In the 2019 presidential election, the APC and the PDP were neck to neck, with the APC winning 19 states to the PDP’s 17.  Though the party controlled more governorship seats than the PDP in 2019, its fortunes improved in the 2023 elections, where it suffered some hiccups at the presidential election following the intense duel it had with the PDP, the Labour Party (LP), and the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), which seized Kano, a major vote haul.

Subsequent activities embarked upon by the APC, however, confirmed that it was set to address its failure to control a majority of the states of the federation and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, as its handlers set to work, ensuring the fall of key political strongholds, where the name of the party had looked like anathema. From being scantily mentioned in the South East and South South, the APC seized hold of a majority of the states in those zones. Three of the five governors of the South East are now in its kitty, while the South South, where it earlier managed to gain entry into Edo State, has completely adopted the broom revolution.  As at the last count, the APC had taken control of the six states of the South South, while only two of the six states of the South West remained outside its fold. Osun, which recently fell to the Accord Party (AP) following Governor Ademola Adeleke’s defection, is up for election in July 2026, a determining factor for the shape of the South West geopolitical structure in 2027. The governor of Oyo State, Seyi Makinde, a member of the famous G5 group of PDP governors who worked for APC’s victory in 2023, has, however, vowed to remain on the ticket of the former ruling party, which is now reduced to a control of the fringes. How has the APC been able to redraw the geopolitical map to the extent that the broom is the most visible political symbol across Nigeria today? What are the signs of attraction for the politicians that make the APC smell like roses and propel them to dumb their party’s flag at the slightest of asking? In the past few months, the Nigerian Tribune has been digging into the political rubble and undercurrents in the six geopolitical zones, and now presents its findings.

APC: Consolidating its grip on the South West

The political equation in the South West region that was established following the 2023 general elections appears to be intact, except in Osun state, whose governor, Senator Ademola Adeleke, left the PDP which brought him into power, for the Accord Party. That to many would be termed political expediency, as Adeleke was uncertain of the fate that would befall the wobbling PDP, following the internal strife. After the 2023 polls, the ruling APC won four of the six states in the region, including Ogun, Ondo, Ekiti, and Lagos. Both Oyo and Osun states were in the kitty of the PDP.

However, the results of the presidential and the National Assembly elections showed that the APC won in all but Osun and Lagos states as President Bola Tinubu cleared four out of the six states. LP won in Lagos, while PDP won in Osun.

Since that election, a lot has happened, and this has changed the political calculations across the various regions in the country, notably in the southern part of the nation. We have witnessed defections of governors and the entire political structures of their states, particularly from the PDP to the APC, making the ruling party consolidate its hold on the southern region.

But the two opposition governors from the South West region, Adeleke and Seyi Makinde of Oyo State, have decided not to join the train of defection into the APC. Makinde appears to be one of the major leaders remaining in the PDP and trying to salvage the party. However, at a point, it was obvious that Adeleke had concluded plans to join the fray, with sources disclosing that he had met with President Tinubu and was on his way to the APC. But the circumstances surrounding the defection plans changed, and he had to retrace his steps and stay back in the PDP. The aftermath of the national convention of the PDP held in Ibadan, which was characterised by different and conflicting court rulings, led the Osun state governor to exit the party and move to a more secure party where he can pursue his second-term ambition. It should, however, be noted that some members of the national assembly elected on the platform of the PDP from the state had left the party for the APC.

Lagos and Ogun are, however, in the firm grip of the APC, with Tinubu himself cutting the short in Lagos and the likes of Governor Dapo Abiodun and former governor, Olusegun Osoba holding forth in Ogun State. There are indications that the off-season election held in Ondo State provided the APC the opportunity to strengthen its grip on Ondo and that the party would have a chance to better its lot in Osun and Ekiti states in 2026, with the governorship election upcoming in those locations.

However, in Ondo State, the political environment remains dynamic, influenced by recent leadership changes, evolving alliances, occasional defections, and growing public expectations ahead of future electoral engagement. There is no doubt that the Sunshine State is one of the politically vibrant states in the South-West region, and the politics of the state is often defined by strong personalities, party dynamics, and regional considerations. The ruling APC  currently holds power in the state with Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa at the helm of affairs, after being elected as the governor of the state after completing the term of lat governor Rotimi Akeredolu, who died in December 2023.

Aiyedatiwa took over the mantle of leadership immediately after the demise of Akeredolu; his emergence brought both continuity and a test of political consolidation. He was subsequently elected as the governor of the state as the APC retained control of the state apparatus and enjoyed the advantage of incumbency. Though this was followed by a series of reconciliations and realignments to ensure unity within the party, in the end,  the party was able to scale through the challenges of leadership, but not without internal wranglings, which still linger.

However, there’s no controversy over the party’s strength which lies in its grassroots structures across most local government areas, internal cohesion, its control of federal influence, and its ability to project stability cannot be overlooked and the party has been managing internal dissent and balancing interests of legacy blocs within the APC, even though doing that could prove challenging to the leaders.

Observers,s however, believed that the party needs to watch out for the growing influence of its leaders and the proliferation of numerous support groups for the re-election of President Tinubu, which had increasingly become a burden rather than an asset to the party in the state. While these groups were originally formed to mobilise grassroots support, many have turned into centres of rivalry, personal ambition, and internal discord. Their activities often undermine party cohesion, weaken discipline, and create parallel power structures that conflict with the party’s official leadership. It is believed that if these support groups are not properly managed, they may pose serious threats to APC’s stability and electoral fortunes. This is because the party, weighed down by competing interests and unchecked support groups, could suffer misfortunes of losing focus and a sense of direction.

 Observers have warned of the need to deliberately streamline leadership roles, enforce internal order, and prioritise collective goals over individual agendas.

The PDP stands as the main opposition force seeking to rebuild the party after its electoral setbacks. Though the party has a historical footprint in the state, its recent struggles stem from leadership disputes, has weaken the party, and things seem to have fallen apart in the party.

Nonetheless, the PDP still commands some sympathy loyalty in some urban centres and parts of the central and southern senatorial districts. Its prospects depend largely on its ability to unite its factions, present a credible alternative agenda, and attract younger voters who are increasingly disillusioned with traditional politics.

The recent wave of defections involving key party leaders and influential backers to the APC has dealt a significant blow to the party, leaving it further weakened and struggling for cohesion, even as the ruling party continues to consolidate its advantage.

The Labour Party (LP), which has emerged as a growing political platform, particularly among youths, urban voters,s and professionals inspired by its national visibility, ty is gradually going to oblivion in the state. With the influence of leaders of the APC, like the Minister of Interior, most members of LP and Action Alliance (AA)  in Ondo state have collapsed their structures into the APC and President Bola Tinubu’s support group.

While LP and AA failed to establish deep grassroots machinery across local governments, they have continued to influence political conversations and voter behaviour, especially among first-time voters for APC and Tinubu ahead of the 2027 general election.

The African Democratic Congress (ADC), which once enjoyed significant visibility in Ondo State politics, has witnessed a steady decline in relevance. The party previously gained prominence through strong personalities and reformist appeal, but internal fragmentation, defections of key figures, and weak organisational presence have contributed to its fading influence.

Many of its former supporters and leaders have either migrated to larger parties or withdrawn from active participation, leaving the ADC with limited electoral impact and with little or no grassroots structures across the state. Other parties, such as the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and smaller platforms, remained marginal players, often serving as alternatives for protest votes or tactical alliances rather than serious contenders for power.

In Ekiti State, the APC appears strongly in control. The key political leaders appear to be backing the incumbent Governor, even as the push towards the next governorship election enters the last round. The political atmosphere is gradually gathering momentum and is expected to heat up significantly in the coming weeks as political parties prepare for the commencement of official campaigns ahead of the June 20, 2026, governorship election. Indications have suggested that the contest may be a three-horse race involving the ruling APC, the PDP, and the ADC.

Findings by the Nigerian Tribune revealed that the APC, fielding the incumbent governor, Biodun Oyebanji, currently enjoys a clear advantage in the state’s political landscape. The party is widely considered the frontrunner in the race, buoyed by the governor’s performance in office as well as the weakened state of opposition parties, both within Ekiti and nationally.

At present, the APC boasts overwhelming dominance across the state’s political structures. The party controls all three senatorial seats, nine seats in the House of Representatives, and 26 seats in the House of Assembly, in addition to maintaining strong grassroots structures across the 16 local government areas of the state. Beyond its numerical strength, the APC has continued to widen its political reach, drawing support from influential figures across party lines.

APC on geopolitical map in 2025

This expansion has further diminished the capacity of opposition parties to mount serious challenges. Prominent political leaders, including former governor Ayodele Fayose, have openly declared support for the APC-led administration, while former senator Biodun Olujimi has formally defected to the ruling party, reinforcing its dominance.

For the PDP and its governorship candidate, Dr Wole Oluyede, the road ahead appears particularly challenging. The party has been grappling with internal crises that observers said have inflicted significant and perhaps irreparable damage, leaving many of its remaining members uncertain and deeply concerned about its electoral prospects.

Although Dr Oluyede has remained optimistic and has expressed confidence in his ability to put up a strong contest, prevailing political realities in the state suggest that dislodging the APC from power will be a daunting task.

Meanwhile, the ADC, operating as a coalition platform, has so far struggled to establish a visible and formidable presence across the state. While the party announced the inauguration of its ward, local government, and state executives a few weeks ago, there has been little indication of sustained grassroots mobilisation or political activities since then.

The ADC’s governorship candidate, former Nigerian ambassador to Canada, Chief Dare Bejide, has, however, pledged to intensify efforts to galvanise support and persuade the electorate to embrace his candidacy as the election draws closer.

The scenario in Lagos and Ogun states is not different from the state of Ekiti, where the APC is in firm control. President Tinubu remains the godfather of Lagos politics and is seen to have learnt a lot from the humbling experience of the 2023 election, where the LP gave him a shocker of an election defeat. The Ogun State structure is also firmly in the control of the APC, save for the internal wrangling that may shake it a little. In Oyo State, Governor Seyi Makinde, who played the G5 card in 2023 has announced his intention not to back the president this time, but the array of APC leaders in the state are seen as a force that could get the President above the line in the presidential contest in the state, while the contenders would struggle for their scalps in the gubernatorial contest.

The scenario in the North West and North East

Looking at the political landscape ahead of the 2027 general elections, the APC is gradually mobilising and wooing opposition politicians to its fold in the two zones. Like in the aborted Second Republic when the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) was wooing politicians from opposition parties, the leader of the Nigeria Peoples Party (NPP), Nnamdi Azikiwe, boasted that he remained the ‘beautiful bride’ whom every politician would like to befriend. Immediately after the NPN approached him,  and true to his words, he accepted their proposal and eventually signed an agreement that paved the way for his party to ally with the NPN to form a government, where we saw members of Zik’s party assume positions in the new alliance.

Today, the APC is towing the same path. Even though it has the highest number of governors and the highest number of parliamentary members, it continues to reach out to members of the opposition parties. Today, APC has the highest number of governors with 28 in its kitty. It also has the highest number of senators, which stands at 75. Thus, in both the North West and North East zones, there have been a series of defections from opposition parties in recent times.

For instance, in the North West zone, which gave President Tinubu the highest number of votes in the 2023 election, the  APC is in firm control of five out of the seven states in the zone.  Zamfara and Kano states are the two states under the PDP and the NNPP.

APC on geopolitical map in 2025

 Why the opposition is losing grip

In Zamfara, where it is a PDP state, the party is gradually losing its grip. Today, the state Assembly is currently divided into two factions. One faction is controlled by APC members, led by Bashar Aliyu Gummi, while the other faction, which has PDP members in the majority, is being led by Bilyaminu Moriki, who is the main Speaker. This division has affected the smooth running of the assembly as the ruling PDP no longer enjoys the needed majority.

Also, a recent by-election held in Kaura South constituency for the state assembly constituency seat, a candidate of the APC, Jamilu Said,u won in an area seen as a predominantly PDP area. This is seen as a serious setback to the ruling party. Observers believed that the ruling PDP has to tighten its belt if it wants to replicate its 2023 victory at the polls. As it is now, the governor, Dauda Lawal, who won under the banner of PDP, is one of the four governors who have not defected to the APC. Going by political observers’ assertions, he may be standing on quicksand following the seemingly unending crisis in the PDP. Some have said that he might also defect very soon. But defection might also be problematic because his strong opponent, Minister of State for Defence, Bello Matawalle, is also said to be eyeing the gubernatorial seat in 2027, to enable him to complete a second term in office.

Zamfara State House of Assembly has also lost a member of the PDP to the APC. Some party officials in Kaura and Maradun Local Government Areas have also defected to the APC.

In Kano, like Zamfara, the APC has been wooing members from NNPP to its fold. So far, it has lost a serving senator, Kawu Sumaila, representing Kano South, and two members of the House of Representatives, Sagir Koki and Abdulmumini Jibrin. One member of the state Assembly, Zubairu Hamza, has also defected to the APC. There’s also a rumor going around that the state governor, Kabir Yusuf, might defect tothe  APC. He is said to be waiting for his leader, Rabiu Kwankwaso, to give him the go-ahead.

How states under APC are asserting their presence

 States where APC is in control in the North West have also mobilized opposition to the party. One of such states is Kaduna, where the governor, Senator Uba Sani, asserted that the lawmakers are all in APC, except for a few.

Among the defectors to APC are Senator Sunday Katung, representing Southern Kaduna senatorial district; members of the House of Representatives, Aliyu Abdullahi, Abdulkarim Ahmed, Hussaini Jalo, Amos Magaji, and Donatus Matthew; and state Assembly members, Ali Kalat, Henry Mahra, Kantiok Emmanuel, and Kambai Samuel, among others.

Other prominent politicians who are now members of the APC family are former Governor Ramalan Yero, Senator Suleiman Hunkuyi, and Senator Shehu Sani.

Also, in Kebbi state, all three PDP senators have defected to APC: Senator Adamu Aliero, Kebbi Central; Senator Yahaya Abdullahi, Kebbi North; and Senator Garba Maidoki, Kebbi South. A member representing Aliero/Gwandu/Jega federal constituency, Mansur Musa, has also defected.

In the North East, two states, Adamawa and Bauchi, are controlled by PDP, while Yobe, Borno, Gombe, and Taraba are APC states. The recent entry into the APC fold in the North East is the governor of Taraba, Kefas Agbu.

Like the North West, the North East is also being controlled by four APC governors. Apart from the governor, John Zikito Bonzina, the speaker of the state Assembly, and 16 members have defected to the APC. Indeed, the defections have brought an end to the dominance of PDP in the state.

It was gathered that arrangements for the other three senators to defect to the APC are in the pipeline. Also, this is the zone where the Vice President, Kashim Shettima, comes from, making the zone very important and strategic for the APC.

More importantly, prominent politicians are in the party to support the Vice President. Even though others are now staunch supporters of the ADC like the former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, and the former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Babachir Lawal, a significant number of politicians are in the ruling APC.

Thus, as the 2027 general election is approaching, political realignments, political manoeuvres, and alliances among the parties are going on across the country. As of now, the ruling APC is almost completing the redesigning of the political landscape in the region. Taking a cursory look at the recent development, we can say it is on the verge of repeating the 2023 victory.

APC re-writing the political map of North Central

 Nigeria’s North Central geopolitical zone underwent a realignment and transformation in 2025, which significantly impacted the zone’s politics. The six states that comprise the zone have not been camped in one political party except for the PDP, which achieved that feat in 2003.

The PDP at the height of its power under President Olusegun Obasanjo controlled all six states, including Benue, Kwara, Kogi, Niger, Nasarawa, and Plateau. Even though only five of the six states were won in 1999, the sixth, Kwara, joined the fray in 2003. The PDP, at the time, also maintained tight control over the majority of state assemblies until the emergence of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2013.

However, with the formation of the APC in 2013, the country suffered political realignments, which saw the PDP decimated. The PDP rule and supremacy were obviously challenged by the APC in the North Central and the entirety of Nigeria. The party gained momentum in the region election in 2015 and the 2019 election; its influence grew as a result of defections, political realignment, and election victories.

From all appearances, no political party has ever governed the entire zones of the country at once; the APC is, however, providing some interesting data. From 1999 to 2003, the PDP dominated five states of Benue, Kogi, Niger, Nasarawa, and Plateau, except Kwara State, where the All Peoples Party (APP) held until 2003.

The PDP’s stronghold in Kwara State was interrupted in 2019 when Abdulrazaq Abudulrahman was elected on the platform of the APC; this ended the PDP hegemony in the state.

The PDP, which had ruled Niger State since 1999, was sacked by the APC in 2015 when its nominee, Abubakar Bello, was elected governor of the state. The PDP’s long-standing supremacy in the state came to an end with its defeat. Since then, the party has yet to reestablish itself and find its place accordingly in Niger State politics.

Recall that the incumbent governor of the state, Muhammed Umar Bago, who took office in 2023, declared Niger State as “100 percent APC.” The power shift has subsequently reduced the PDP to the position of a major opposition party, and it is currently struggling to reclaim its former prominence.

In 2011, the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), which later formed one of the legacy parties of the APC, made a stunning inroad into Nasarawa State, marking a watershed moment in the state’s political history. The journey, however, began when Umaru Tanko Al-Makura was elected governor on the platform of the CPC, giving the APC its foundation in the North. The birth of the APC transformed the political landscape, making it a dominant party in the state.

There’s little doubt that Al-Makura strengthened the party’s basis and power in the state. Since then, all attempts by the PDP and other political parties to tip the scales in their favor have proven futile. Internal strife and other issues have kept them, especially the PDP, in check. However, the APC has maintained its hold on Nasarawa State politics since Governor Abdulahi Sule was elected in 2019.

In Kogi State, the first elected governor was the late Prince Abubakar Audu, who was elected in 1999 on the platform of the APP later the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP), and served until 2003. He was defeated by the PDP candidate, Idris Wada, who remained governor until 2016, having served two terms.

The APC made an inroad into the state in 2016, when Yahaya Bello was elected on the party’s platform. Since then, the APC has been piloting affairs of the executive arms of the state. The incumbent, Usman Ododo, has also been consolidating to strengthen the party’s power and influence in the state. The PDP, which is the primary opposition party, is in a vulnerable position, similar to what is happening to the party at the national level.

PDP was the dominant party in Benue State from 1999 until 2015, producing all governors during this period. The party regained control in 2019 after the incumbent governor, Samuel Ortom, switched to the PDP for his second term. The APC flipped the state in 2015 with the election of Samuel Ortom. The party is currently in power, with the incumbent Governor Hyacinth Alia having won the 2023 gubernatorial election on the APC platform.

However, the once vibrant PDP in Benue State has become a shadow of itself; the recent defection of some members of opposition parties to the APC has further played up the party.

The PDP’s long roots in Plateau State are undeniable. The founding members, such as the party’s pioneer National Chairman, the late Chief Solomon Lar, and others, provided the party with a solid lifeblood that will be difficult to sever.

On the PDP ticket, Senator Joshua Dariye was elected governor in 1999 and held the position until 2007.  He was succeeded as governor in 2015 by Senator Jonah Jang, who belongs to the same party. Due to the latter error, Senator Simon Lalong was elected as governor on the platform of the APC. The tide turned again in favor of the PDP in 2023 when Barrister Caleb Manasseh Mutfwang was elected.

Mutfwang’s official defection to the APC last Thursday startled the PDP despite early indications. With Mutfwang’s defection, the ruling APC has gained complete control of the North Central zone. Until now, the governor was the sole PDP governor in the zone.

Announcing Governor Mutfwang’s defection, the National Chairman of the APC, Nentawe Yilwatda, said the zone is now under the total control of his party, noting that Governor Mutfwang will further strengthen the ranks of the APC in the zone. The defection marks a major political shift in Plateau State and is expected to have significant implications for party alignments ahead of future elections.

So, at the moment, the APC has a firm grasp on the North Central; they were able to do so through the defections of certain PDP and opposition party stalwarts, completing the circle of invasions in the region.

The turning was a blow to the PDP. Checks by the Nigerian Tribune revealed that 90 per cent of members of State Houses of Assembly in the zone are APC members, either through defections or by-elections.

The defection of the Plateau State governor was a significant move, as the APC now controls all six North Central states (Benue, Niger, Kwara, Nasarawa, Kogi, and Plateau, plus the FCT). Action is viewed as a strategic endeavor to strengthen regional influence and engagement with the central administration.

Similar to the South-South, the circle has been completed in the North Central. The North Central has joined the group of governors who switched to the APC, particularly those elected on the PDP platform. The year 2025 is unique in the politics of the geopolitical zone because the APC drove several political parties into obscurity and, as a result, pushed the frontrunners to the sidelines. While APC was busy tallying its gains, the other political parties were counting their losses.

APC as political Tomahawk of South-South, South-East

If the political inroads of the ruling APC into the South-South and the South-East geopolitical zones were to be described in military terms, the appropriate name for it would be military genocide! It was nothing but a war of conquest.

Tracing the political trajectory of the two zones from the beginning of this political dispensation in 1999, political analysts and watchers would easily conclude that what the APC has done in the zones is nothing but political annihilation.

By May 29, 1999 the South-South and the South-East zones came out of the new political order as zones in alliance with the conservative ideology of the Nigerian political demarcation of the conservatives and the progressives.

At the kick-off of this dispensation, the PDP dominated the six South-South states of Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, and Rivers. The party replicated the same dominance in the South-East zones where it entrenched itself in Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, and Imo States. While the perceived ‘progressive’ party, such as the then Alliance for Democracy (AD) and the ‘non-aligned’ All Peoples Party (APP) in 1998, which later changed to All Nigerians Peoples Party (ANPP) in 2002, could show some presence in the South-South zone, the PDP remained the only party in the South-East. The trend continued from October 1999 till 2007 in the South-East and in the South-South from 1999 to 2008.

In 2007, the political configuration suffered signs of a paradigm shift in Anambra State, when the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), led by the late Ikemba of Nnewi, Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, won the Anambra governorship election with Mr. Peter Obi, the 2023 presidential candidate of the Labour Party, as its candidate. While the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) declared the PDP candidate, Andy Uba, as the winner of the election, Obi went to court and won. His swearing in as the governor of Anambra State changed the narrative of the PDP’s dominance in the South-East.

Imo State also had its own fair share of the political storm threatening the PDP in the South-East. With the heavy internal crisis rocking the party in Imo, the National Working Committee (NWC) of the PDP withdrew the candidacy of Senator Ifeanyi Ararume, who initially won the PDP gubernatorial primaries against the preferred candidate of the then-President Olusegun Obasanjo. They simply told INEC that it had no candidate in the 2007 governorship election in the state. By the next round of elections in 2011, the PDP lost the state to APGA. That left the PDP with three states in the zone and APGA, two. While the today’s APC was still in the embryos of either the then Action Congress Nigeria (ACN), or Action Congress (AC) and the APP and later the CPC, the most noticeable pattern was that the ACN or AC, and the APP and the CPC, were always in alliance with APGA’s onslaught against the PDP in the South-East.

In the South-South, the first state to collapse under the political war of attrition from the APC was Edo State. After the 2007 election, the ACN believed that it won the Edo governorship race and headed to the tribunal. That was the era when the Appeal Court was the final arbiter in gubernatorial election disputes. By the time the final judgement came in, what is known in political parlance as ‘Salamigate’, the PDP governor, Professor Oserhiemen Osunbor, was booted out to pave the way for Adams Oshiomhole of the ACN.

The remaining five states (Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, and Rivers) remained solidly PDP states as the party maintained its dominance in the zone.  With the emergence of the APC in 2014, Edo State came under the control of the new party. In Edo State, however, while the AC, later ACN, and finally APC held on, the ship capsized in 2020 due to the personal disagreements between Oshiomhole and his successor, Godwin Obaseki.

The crisis between the two gladiators dovetailed to an irreconcilable stage as Oshiomhole, who then was the National Chairman of the APC, denied Obaseki a second term ticket. Obaseki sought refuge in the PDP and went ahead to win the election, thus bringing back Edo State back to the PDP family.

The coming of the APC to the national level as its presidential candidate, then, the late General Muhammadu Buhari, won the 2015 presidential poll, changed the face of politicking in the South-South. Without any clearly stated reason, Professor Ben Ayade, who was elected governor of Cross River State under the banner of the PDP, announced his defection to the APC. Ayade, who was then in his second term, hinged his defection on the need to support the “transformation agenda” of the Buhari administration.

The Ayade political theory of defection from the PDP to the APC became the new normal in the South-South as other governors in Akwa Ibom, Delta, and Bayelsa States followed in quick succession. The recent’ decampee’ is Governor Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State. While Fubara, who suffered a six-month suspension by President Bola Ahmed, could be described as a man seeking political survival, the defection of Governors Sheriff Oborevwori and Douye Diri of Delta and Bayelsa States, respectively, left many questions unanswered.

With Governor Monday Okpebholo winning the 2024 Edo governorship election under the APC and Fubara dumping the PDP for the APC three weeks ago, the South-South zone, which used to be a PDP all-comers affair, has suffered a reversal of fortune as an all-APC-dominated zone. Not a few political observers believed that the situation may remain for long, given the intractable crisis bedevilling the PDP at the national level.

In the South-East, the PDP is also almost on the verge of extinction as the party has no single Governor in the state. While Abia State is under the control of the Labour Party (LP), and Anambra is retained by APGA, the remaining states of Ebonyi, Enugu, and Imo are governed by APC. Enugu State joined the APC league about two months ago.

For the APC, the party has every reason to celebrate. Here is a party with zero presence in the 11 states of the two zones at the beginning of this dispensation,n now controlling nine of the states. Incidentally, all of the defecting PDP governors who dumped the party to embrace the APC have offered little in terms of excuses to justify their defection. Many of them have claimed that they defected so as to ensure that their states numbered among those playing in the national league. One thing is certain as the nation closes in on the 2027 general election: the APC as a party has done what the PDP could not do at the peak of its power-it has significantly redrawn the nation’s electoral map.